In Resource Wars Michael Klare examined hot spots around the world that were rife for conflict between nations competing for natural resources of various stripes such as water, oil, timber, and minerals. Then 9/11 happened followed by the United States' response and these events convinced Klare that it was oil that had "more potential than any of the others to provoke major crises and conflicts in the years ahead." Thus he wrote Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America's Growing Dependency on Imported Petroleum.
Although Blood and Oil is a book of geopolitics and has nearly 45 pages of footnotes, it is an immensely readable account of how America became dependent on foreign oil and the dangers this situation poses. Klare's story, chronologically speaking, begins as World War II is raging. At this time America is self-sufficient when it comes to crude. Indeed, we supplied the vast majority of the oil used by the Allies in the war effort which was in the billions of barrels. All those ships, planes, tanks, etc. need gas, after all. But the Roosevelt administration understood that this situation wouldn't last forever and so FDR declared oil a matter of national security. On 14 February 1945 FDR met with King Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia and struck what was essentially a deal with the Devil: the United States would protect the Saudi royal family in exchange for unfettered access to the country's oil. Starting here the Persian Gulf area became of paramount concern to the United States and succeeding presidents all made it policy to have controlling interests in the region.
In his State of the Union address in 1980 Jimmy Carter proclaimed that the flow of oil from that area was of "vital interest" to this country and that we would use "any means necessary, including military force" to ensure that the oil flowed. This is known as the Carter Doctrine and, to enforce it, he established the Rapid Deployment Joint Task Force which became Central Command under Reagan. In other words, we have a lot of military resources dedicated to that region.
This is because there's a lot of oil in the Middle East. As of 2002 just six Persian Gulf countries had nearly two-thirds of the world's proven reserves underneath them. On top of this we Americans love oil and use millions of barrels a day. Shortly after the end of WWII domestic production was no longer able to keep up with demand and so we began to import more and more oil. Maintaining our industries, our economy, and our way of life requires having a steady supply of oil. This means propping up dictators in the Middle East, selling weapons to them, and offering trainers and advisers. These activities enmeshed us in the politics of these countries as factions hostile to the dictatorships came to see the United States as being aligned with their enemy both at home and abroad, i.e. – Israel.
Just after George Bush was appointed President in 2000 the percentage of imported oil went over the 50% mark and the National Energy Policy Development Group was formed. Although it paid some lip service to petroleum alternatives, its main recommendation for dealing with our thirst for foreign oil from the Persian Gulf was to diversify our portfolio.
Klare spends many pages discussing the Caspian Sea region. There we forge ties with and provide tens of millions of dollars in military aid to countries such as Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan. But, as he notes, “none of Washington's hedge oil producers offer sanctuary from the disorder and strife of the Persian Gulf.” These countries are also ruled by dictators and are vulnerable to the same problems as are oil producing states in the Persian Gulf region. In addition, we must contend with Russia which also seeks to exert its authority in the area.
But Russia is not the only player. China's economy is expanding at a fast rate and it too needs oil. And although not growing at quite the pace, India too is looking ensure a steady stream of oil for its burgeoning economy. Klare also examines other petroleum-rich areas of the world – Latin America and West Africa. He says that American intervention in the former is minor when compared to other regions and virtually non-existent in the latter, but that this situation is changing with Washington looking to invest more in these areas to assure access to oil.
This is the oil part but more and more blood is shed as America seeks to ensure access to the oil of others. There is the blood of American soldiers who are asked to guard pipelines, support murderous regimes, and wage war. And there is the blood of indigenous people who die at the hands of despots, trying to depose them, and at the hands of American soldiers furthering American interests.
To help avoid bloodshed and help stem the effects of global warming, Klare suggests three courses of action. The first is for America is get out of the oil-for-protection racket and abandon such commitments we already have. As he says of the Saudis, “We cannot and should not bear the ultimate responsibility for the royal family's survival.” Secondly he prescribes that we reduce our dependence on foreign oil by developing transportation that requires less of it. This means mandating better fuel economy for cars and trucks, investing in public transportation, and moving towards hybrids and cars that use ethanol. His final recommendation is to transition to what he calls a “postpetroleum economy”. This means investing in alternative sources of energy such as wind, solar, and biomass as well as hydrogen cells. None of this will be easy. These changes will take time, money, and a change of thinking on the part of Americans. But, he cautions, it can be done and it must be done as oil will not last forever.
Blood and Oil is a harrowing book. In order to get at the oil we want, we have our fingers in seemingly countless pies. It boggles the mind to contemplate what could be done here at home with the billions and billions of dollars we spend on our military so it can make sure the oil flows and in propping up dictatorial regimes whose politics are anathema to ours. And there is the toll in human lives which defies monetization.
Perhaps I am just cynical but I don't see we Americans implementing Klare's ideas any time in the near future. For one thing, we seem content with war as long as there is no draft and it is done in the name of fighting terrorism. For another, it will be difficult to convince people to change their lifestyle or pay more to lead it. Let's face it, convenience and waste are two of the hallmarks of the American way of life. Too few of us see first-hand the sacrifices made for and the effects of our lifestyle or consider what Klare calls the “hidden tax” behind our way of life, i.e. - the tax money spent on our military to ensure we have oil. Lastly, I think there is a shortage of politicians who are willing to risk career suicide by trying to move this country away from oil.
To be sure, anything is possible and so I suspect that, when we begin to transition away from oil in earnest, it will be because of a sudden jolt which shakes us from our complacency. For example, when the price at the pump has become exorbitantly expensive or if we start having more large spills on our land and in our waters. Unfortunately, the longer we wait to act, the more painful the transition will be.
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